After the economic storm, a cultural one

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In a post-austerity society, how does the progressive movement seize the initiative to build electoral success? Two approaches have been taken recently, which offer an unlikely coalition of ideas.

The first approach – an interesting report published this week by the Institute for Public Policy Research – delivered worrying forecasts for the cultural question of ‘Englishness’ over the coming decades.

Compare this report with Alastair Campbell’s ebook The Happy Depressive, which explores the link between government activity and public happiness. Suggesting that collective public happiness – ‘gross national happiness’ – can be measured on a par with GDP, Campbell assumes the view that our morale will struggle in such a pessimistic environment.

This makes for intriguing comparison with the IPPR report ‘The Dog That Finally Barked: England as an Emerging Political Community’, which offers us a glimpse at the emerging political scene. It should be read that Labour – indeed, any progressive movement – must confront two political truths.

The first truth is the crisis facing the union. The inevitable slide of Scotland from union to devolution to devolution-max or independence has the counter-effect of a hollow ‘British’ identity. Thus, as IPPR suggest, the knock-on effect will further the sense of a ‘dissatisfied English electorate’. The research tells us that four in 10 people describe themselves as English first, British second.

The second truth is that it is being ignored by the major parties. Nobody predicted accurately the financial crash; there is no justification for ignoring this impending cultural one. There are rumblings, of course – it is a topic Anthony Painter discussed in the December issue of Progress Magazine.

Where does this leave the progressive movement? There are no comparable historical instances of a cultural squeeze, which is difficult to envisage as anything but regressive for the interests of Britain. Scottish, Northern Irish and Welsh devolution didn’t spark a heightened desire for ‘Englishness’. But now we face a choice: continue down the path of ignorance into a corner of regressive patriotism, or offer the electorate a revolution in identity.

While there is a concerning level of dissatisfaction with the current constitutional system, it should be noted that there currently exists no alternative that the majority of public opinion is in favour of. That means that, while talk of an English parliament is popular among some, there is no pressing need to draw up an ‘English constitution’.

Instead we should be looking at saving, and improving, the British way. Yes, offer Scotland devolution-max, but not independence. But crucially we should enhance local government, thus decentralising power as suggested in The Purple Book.

Much of the criticism of the current Westminster model is justified. Public spending varies from region to region; the balance is not at a fair level. There is no better time for government – Labour, preferably – to ensure value for money across the board. In the same way Tony Blair implemented a policy ‘Delivery Unit’, progressives should champion an economic ‘Delivery Unit’, which is deeply rooted in providing value for money.

The report quite honestly describes Labour ‘as a party resolutely in denial about the  “English question”’. Relying on traditional support in Scotland and Wales, the party leadership believes it can afford – with the status quo – to ignore building up the sort of coalition of support required to deliver three successive election wins under Tony Blair. Traditional support no longer creates governments, but it avoids electoral disaster.

Then there is the other challenge, a challenge much less set in stone but arguably one which goes deeper to the core of society. Happiness and wellbeing is of course linked to a number of economic, political and social factors – the challenge raised by IPPR being one of them. But it also requires a ‘certain amount of courage’, as Alastair Campbell says, to think outside the proverbial policy box.

There is a fine line between big ideas (New Labour) and PR disasters (‘big society’), so of course trepidation is acceptable. But what Campbell is right to say, and what IPPR back up with their report, is that when Britain finally moves to a sustained period of economic growth, another crisis – of morale and culture – looms. We should be ready for it, because the Tories won’t be.

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Alex White is a member of Progress and tweets @iamalexwhite

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Photo: house of bamboo


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  • http://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom Anthony Barnett

    I’m afraid Campbell never thought outside the box he was the Box – and when it came to thought within it he positioned. By polishing Britishness ‘New Labour, New Britain’ but not democratising it, he and Blair played a big role in preventing a progressive, democratic Britishness from emerging. Today, its future surely lies in Alex Salmond’s “social union” rather than the hollow political union Blair and Campbell left us with. Gordon Brown at least knew there was a problem and tried. His failure made things worse, however, it seems from the IPPR report that the year all the graphs on English attitudes change was 2007 (our banking and financial crash, a great British failure) reinforced the process. Finally, because the merging Englishness and English politics is young, fresh and multicultural it can be progressive. As I suggest here http://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom/anthony-barnett/time-to-take-britain-out-of-our-greatness#disqus_thread

  • http://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom Anthony Barnett

    I’m afraid Campbell never thought outside the box he was the Box – and when it came to thought within it he positioned. By polishing Britishness ‘New Labour, New Britain’ but not democratising it, he and Blair played a big role in preventing a progressive, democratic Britishness from emerging. Today, its future surely lies in Alex Salmond’s “social union” rather than the hollow political union Blair and Campbell left us with. Gordon Brown at least knew there was a problem and tried. His failure made things worse, however, it seems from the IPPR report that the year all the graphs on English attitudes change was 2007. Our banking and financial crash (a great British failure indeed) reinforced the process. Finally, because the merging Englishness and English politics is young, fresh and multicultural it can be progressive. As I suggest here http://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom/anthony-barnett/time-to-take-britain-out-of-our-greatness#disqus_thread

  • http://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom Anthony Barnett

    I’m afraid Campbell never thought outside the box he was the Box – and when it came to thought within it he positioned. By polishing Britishness ‘New Labour, New Britain’ but not democratising it, he and Blair played a big role in preventing a progressive, democratic Britishness from emerging. Today, its future surely lies in Alex Salmond’s “social union” rather than the hollow political union Blair and Campbell left us with. Gordon Brown at least knew there was a problem and tried. His failure made things worse, however, it seems from the IPPR report that the year all the graphs on English attitudes change was 2007. Our banking and financial crash (a great British failure indeed) reinforced the process. Finally, because the merging Englishness and English politics is young, fresh and multicultural it can be progressive. As I suggest here http://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom/anthony-barnett/time-to-take-britain-out-of-our-greatness#disqus_thread

  • Junius

    Seems odd – You highlight the fact that the Labour solution for rising Scottish nationalism was devolution; but your solution for the rising English nationalism is to …. make them more British!!

    If you cannot see that your very attitude is one of the reasons for that rising English nationalism then there is no hope for a future left wing party that has any relevance to the people of England.

    There will be an English Parliament, and if by then, you have not come to some understanding of the groundswell of the broad civic English nationalism then you, along with your party will be consigned to the scrap heap of history.

  • http://twitter.com/KatRRose Kathryn Rose

    It does seem like the time has come to associate pride in England with the left and show that you can be proud to be English without supporting racism. Why shouldn’t we build a new sense of Englishness on our solid foundation of creativity? From Shakespeare to Dyson and Wedgewood, and regardless of cultural background, creativity is something we have been good at for centuries: it doesn’t distinguish between races or classes and it welcomes all-comers who can contribute in a variety of ways both technological and artistic.

  • Anonymous

    “The research tells us that four in 10 people describe themselves as English first, British second.”

    The research also tells us that less than two in 10 people describe themselves as British first, English second.

    Will the left ever wake up and embrace a civic national identity, or must we look forward to more unaccountable (and therefore unelectable) Labour leaders from the devolved nations?

  • http://thecornishrepublican.blogspot.com/ cornubian

    These Atlantic Isles contain 6 historically attested national communities that still have a very real existence today. England, Wales, Scotland, Man and Cornwall.

    If the English deserve self-determination due to their national character then so do we the Cornish.

    The Cornish movement has already gathered a petition of 50,000 signatures calling for the creation of a Cornish assembly and this was recently bolstered by the PLASC schools survey that showed 41% of Cornwall’s kids preferred to record themselves as Cornish rather than English or British.

    We may be smaller and weaker than the other home nations but a nation we are nonetheless and to ignore or rights is criminal.