Progress | Centre-left Labour politics

Why Labour shouldn’t worry about the Lib Dem surge

Conor Pope says that the Liberal Democrat ‘fightback’ is a distraction from the real problem – the Tories

The Liberal Democrats are likely to do much better in the upcoming local elections than current opinion polls suggest. Most polls currently have the party on around 11 per cent, with the Liberal Democrats having broken into double figures at the turn of the year.

That may not sound like much, but the council seats up for election this year are particularly favourable to the Liberal Democrats, as the New Statesman’s Stephen Bush explains. Both the Rallings and Thrasher and the Hayward projections for this set of elections has the party gaining over 100 councillors on 4 May.

Moreover, the polls may not be quite have caught up with the scale of the ‘Lib Dem fightback’. Some claim that there can be, at times, around six months’ lag on an uptick in support for smaller parties.

Byelections, both parliamentary and council, since last year’s European referendum certainly indicate that where conditions are favourable for Liberal Democrats, they can perform very well indeed. Some within Tim Farron’s party are even quietly indulging their wildest dreams of a shock win in Manchester Gorton.

There is good reason to think that a resurgence of the Liberal Democrats will do much more to harm Labour than other parties. At the most basic level, Labour is simply less popular than other parties at the moment: it is shedding voters like they are the ones that have been holding it back from winning elections.

Labour has also become a temporary home for many Liberal Democrats who became disillusioned during the coalition years. More than twice as many 2010 Liberal Democrat voters went to Labour in 2015 than went to the Conservatives. In fact, Labour won more votes off the Liberal Democrats than all the other parties put together.

This was an intentional electoral strategy pursued by Ed Miliband, who perceived there to be a hidden ‘progressive majority’ in the country that he believed he could use to propel Labour back into power. The logic ran that there was no need to entice Tory voters when so many were abandoning Nick Clegg’s party.

Then, of course, there is the Liberal Democrats’ hardline continuity ‘Remain’ stance, which has allowed the party to fashion itself as the new natural home for those who vehemently believe Britain should to stay in the European Union.

However, while losing any voters should be a source of alarm for Labour, panic should not set in over a Liberal Democrat revival. We face a number of genuine existential threats; Tim Farron is not one of them.

What is really happening here is a reversion to the norm. The 2015 election landed the Liberal Democrats with a artificially low vote as a kickback against their time in government. Since the Social Democrat-Liberal alliance in 1983, they had never received lower than 16.8 per cent in a general election; two years ago, they failed to reach eight per cent.

But coming out of government has given the Liberal Democrats chance to regain some of the 15 points they lost between 2010 and 2015. It has allowed them to return to what they do best: opportunistic opposition without the fear of having to follow through with a coherent platform in power. It is this, more than anything, that has led to their position on Europe.

Most of their traditional voters recognise that they are not voting for a future government. For several decades now, the Liberal Democrats have positioned themselves as British voters’ go-to receptacle for protest votes.

Their message has been this: if you are angry with what is going on – whatever it is – vote for us. The ability to pose as either leftwing or rightwing, depending on the situation and local trends, has done them wonders at times, enraging other parties’ activists around the country in the process.

This is partly why they lost so much support by going into coalition. The Liberal Democrats are not a natural party of government; they are a natural party of not-the-government. Their revival is to be expected now.

Yes, this may hurt Labour – but it will hurt the Conservatives too. Murmurs in Tory high command suggest one of the reasons Theresa May has not jumped for a snap election is the number of Conservative members of parliament who have only gained a seat because of the Liberal Democrat collapse. Without a full parliamentary term with which to build up some name recognition in their constituencies, many of these Tories now fear they would lose.

Of course, it is sad to think that fear of the Liberal Democrats, not Labour, is what is deterring the Tories from going to the polls. And it is on this that Labour must stay focussed.

The Liberal Democrats are certainly in a position to win seats back off Labour, but fundamentally that is a distraction. Our goal must be to put the fear back in the Tories. We cannot win without winning over Tory voters. Ultimately, worrying about leaking support to the Liberal Democrats is not the attitude of a party moving forward, but one of a party looking only over its left shoulder at damage limitation.

In 2005, Labour won the general election with a healthy working majority, and the Liberal Democrats won 22 per cent of the vote – double what they are currently polling. That means that there is at least 11 percentage points worth of wiggle room in the electoral system. A strong Liberal Democrat party does not necessarily mean a weak Labour party. But a strong Conservative party almost always does.


Conor Pope is deputy editor of Progress. He tweets at @Conorpope



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  • “Then, of course, there is the Liberal Democrats’ hardline continuity ‘Remain’ stance, which has allowed the party to fashion itself as the new natural home for those who vehemently believe Britain should to stay in the European Union.” – Conor Pope

    It’s not about “vehemently” believing that the UK should stay in the EU that the Lib Dems might get votes. Maybe it’s because many feel the Labour Shadow Cabinet and most Labour MPs have completely capitulated to Brexit and are wilfully ignoring what many international companies are now planning because of it.

    For example, once you ignore the rather misleading headline from the BBC, the following section does not give reassurance about the future of Ford in the UK –

    “However, Mark Fields [Ford CEO] told the BBC he could not guarantee manufacturing would stay once Britain leaves the EU.

    He repeated Ford’s position that a free trade agreement needs to be reached with the European Union.

    Ford employs 13,000 people in the UK, with engine production lines in Dagenham and Bridgend.”

    Does anyone seriously think that the EU will give the UK a free trade arrangement better than we have at the moment? No, they will not. Future trade talks between the UK and the EU are about the barriers to trade that will have to be put into place, not lessening them. Companies like Ford are well aware of that and will cooly calculate how and when to start winding down production here because of that fact.

    And, of course, banking jobs are already starting to go to Frankfurt, Paris and Dublin. The EU will take a particular hard line over this.

    What have the new, pro-Brexit Labour Party have to say? A “wish-list” of “tests” including asking for something similar to the “Single Market” but no thought out “Labour Brexit” alternative as far as I can see. Well, there isn’t any, of course, as the EU27 would just give the same Hard Brexit deal to a Labour Govt as it will to the Tory one.

    That’s why people might be wishing to vote Lib Dem as they can start to see the reality of Brexit which is tens of thousands of jobs migrating.

  • Fact is labour always well when the Lib Dems increase their share of the vote because there are areas in the home counties and south west where Lib Dems are in a much better position to capture seats from the Tories than Labour.

  • The next party to defeat the Tories (or the next party to gain power when everyone’s eventually utterly fed up with the Tories (2025/2030) won’t be LibDems or Labour but a new party without the baggage or damaged brand of either. The current Labour progressives should be working towards abandoning Labour to the hard Left and forming a new party with the LibDems/centrists. A pragmatic, broadly pro-EU party with a penchant for liberal democracy, free markets and who aren’t arseholes would be nice.

  • “In 2005, Labour won the general election with a healthy working majority, and the Liberal Democrats won 22 per cent of the vote – double what they are currently polling. That means that there is at least 11 percentage points worth of wiggle room in the electoral system.”

    Extrapolating from the conditions of 12 years ago is a dangerous thing to do at the best of times and it looks utterly absurd now. UKIP were barely in evidence at the national level in 2005 and Labour were both coherent and credible. Consider that, at this time, Paul Nuttall, the most unconvincing politician in the UK bar one (hello, Jezza!), is now more popular than Labour’s leader in London. We don’t yet know how far Labour can fall, but there’s no reason to believe that they’ve bottomed out.

  • This is actually rather dangerous for progress as my reading is that a substancial group of Progress supporters and voters are now moving to the Lib Dems as similar voters are leaving the Socialist Party in France and voting for Macron. The historic coalition of the Labour party could be fractured and the resultant party would be a hard left rump of about 15% or so.

    The Tories on say 40% UKIP 10% and Nationalists 10%. This would give the Lib Dems say 25% but with first past the post the Tories would have a large commons majority.

    The only solution may be electoral reform.

  • Labour should worry about the Blairites like Maureen Henry who are campaigning against it on the doorstep.

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