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Progress summer reading
Sadie Smith reviews A. C. Grayling’s ‘Liberty in the Age of Terror’
The principle of Porter’s Law, named after the great Henry, holds that the sooner a reference to how Orwell would have been ashamed of whatever latest policy is inducing apoplexy in the Independent editorials appears in an article, the less likely it is the piece will deal in a thought-provoking or intelligent way about liberty and its detractors. It does A.C. Grayling great credit, therefore, that he manages to hold out for a full 59 pages before he finally cracks and mentions St George, and has managed to produce a book that discusses liberty and identity in the 21st century which covers new ground beyond that barren earth already well-trodden by the rent-a-clichés in the ‘liberty lobby’.
But before we start chalking up Grayling’s name next to John Stuart Mill and the sainted Orwell, I feel bound to say that I felt ‘Liberty in the Age of Terror’ was a flawed book. In part, it suffers from the way it’s divided into two sections: part one which comprises the main substance of Grayling’s argument, and part two in which he takes issue with some of the holy cows of the liberty movement. The first part is further subdivided into a series of short chapters, each of which canter quickly through ‘equality and justice’, ‘combating terrorism’ and many, many more. Some of these are just a few pages long, and there is a sense upon reaching the end of them that the subject hasn’t quite been dealt with and dispatched in the manner which the author’s frequent penchant for declaring that he had demonstrated some infallible truth in the previous chapter would attempt to suggest. At best it reads like a series of articles hastily cobbled together with linking phrases such as the ‘as I have demonstrated’ tactic; at worst it feels like an elongated prompt-card for addressing a Liberal Democrat conference fringe.
So much for the narrative style, here comes the philosophy bit: concentrate! Grayling’s argument is that ‘civil liberties’ - a phrase, incidentally, that could have done with some explanation or definition - have been eroded since 1997 by a government desperate to prove it is ‘tough on terror’ via the use of oppressive legislation; this is turning the free Britain of an almost certainly mythical past into one of the rogue states they say they are attempting to protect us from. So far, so every-episode-you’ve-ever-seen-of-Question-Time, right? Where, however, Grayling is really interesting is in his analysis of what he terms ‘the politics of the singular identity’ which in one argument manages to fell political and religious extremism and provide a coherent humanist argument against identity cards and the national identity register. Not bad going.
The politics of the singular identity, argues Grayling, eschews pluralism for a single overriding identity: one is no longer a (say) feminist, Labour party supporter, mother, or closet Hollyoaks fan. Rather, all these facets to a person’s personality and individuality are superseded and then eliminated by one primary identity that allows no variation from the narrow philosophy which it proscribes. Grayling uses the example of alienated immigrants who adopt the singular identity offered by Islam as ‘a shield and staff’, but goes on to contend that if such a tactic is essentially dehumanising because it reduces the plurality of each individual into a unit of whatever movement they’ve embraced and nothing more, so too is the identity card scheme. Because it plans to similarly distil everything from medical records to employment records into a single place, the subject loses his plurality and becomes a unit of the state rather than a person, in the same way the Islamic extremist is merely a component of a religious faction instead of a unique autonomous human being.
This aside, there is plenty to take issue with. One of the things that really sticks in the craw is the thinly veiled contempt ‘Liberty in the Age of Terror’ holds post-1997 politicians in and his frequent lamentations that there are no decent ‘statesmen’ (they were the chaps who came pre-1997, one assumes) to stand up for civil liberties. His disapproval of dubious actions of quick-fix politicians doesn’t extend to the Fourth Estate, however. In fact, he manifests an indulgence for the excesses of the media, which he argues are unavoidable by-products of the otherwise noble work of a free press; this being necessary for holding the state and the people’s inherently rubbish representatives to account, you understand. Crotch-shots of celebrities are the price of liberty.
Perhaps worst of all, the much vaunted ‘alternative’ way of dealing with the threat of terrorism, the acceleration of modernity, and the threat posed to Enlightenment values appears to be nothing more than an occasional exhortation for NGOs and governments to get those crazy extremist kids talking. Well, it worked on the West Wing I suppose, but that had the advantage of not being real.
That said, the critique of identity thinking is worth buying the book for alone, it’s just a pity that there was not more of that, and less words expended harking back to pre-1997 ‘Golden Age’ of civil liberties which our brethren in the trade union movement (amongst others) might not recognise. At one point he quotes Amin Maalouf as saying that everyone should seek to ‘identify to some degree with what he sees emerging in the world around him, instead of seeking refuge in an idealised past.’ Grayling responds, apparently without irony, ‘amen to that.’
Well, quite.
Sadie Smith
14 Aug 2009 12:10
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I think you are hotter than Keira - intellectually I mean.